Najib making Umno less relevant, says columnist

28 November 2014

Umno is losing its appeal among more Malaysians, and its president Datuk Seri Najib Razak has been the cause of this with new approaches that pushed the party out of the political spotlight, effectively making it less relevant to the people, The Edge Review columnist, Bridget Welsh, wrote.

Among these were the “outsourcing” of Umno’s traditional role as defender of the Malays to right-wing groups like Perkasa, competing with PAS to be the defender of Islam, use of government resources and machinery to dispense patronage, and relegating the party to the sidelines in the making of government policy.
Writing in this week’s edition of the digital magazine, Welsh, a political analyst, said Najib had changed Umno’s role and in so doing, made the party “less politically relevant”.

She noted that Umno has long relied on the “racial insecurity” of Malays to maintain power but outsourcing its role as defender of the Malays to other groups had “marked the start of Umno’s slide to the sidelines”.
Although these groups received government funding and were closely linked to Umno, holding memberships in both, they had come to take over Umno’s position in spearheading calls to protect Malay interests.

The next approach, competing with PAS to “position Umno as the defender of Islam in Malaysia” effectively moved Umno further from its “moderate roots”, causing it to be perceived by the public as becoming more zealous and hardline.

Najib, as prime minister, allowed increased funding for Islamic institutions, Islamic-based groups, religious schools and the state’s religious apparatus, and while this impacted PAS negatively, it also strengthened the religious bureaucracy within the government service, making it even more powerful and autonomous, Welsh noted.

Equally damaging to Umno’s ability to win new support was Najib’s use of government handouts which “replaced the party as the vehicle for wooing voters”.

Of such initiatives, the 1Malaysia People’s Aid programme (BR1M) was the most visible and was used widely during elections.

This re-branding of the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional, during election campaigns, served to take the focus off Umno and its baggage, but the party no longer became the “face of political patronage”. While loyalty to Umno was still expected, it was “less direct”, Welsh said.

Welsh used these approaches to illustrate how Umno’s decline in the public eye had come from an unlikely cause – from “within the party leadership itself”.

“In fact, one of the distinguishing features of Najib Razak’s tenure has been the displacement of Umno as a truly dominant political actor,” she wrote.

The moves to outsource Umno’s role as defender of the Malays, to appear more Islamic and to hide behind the face of government as benefactor was the party’s way of dealing with the massive loss of support in the general election of 2008, she said.

Umno then was rejected for its racial politics and corruption, and went on to lose its customary two-thirds majority in Parliament.

Welsh said Umno was unable to transform itself in response to the public’s new political awareness, and opted instead for different tactics, which only worsened its political capital.

Other approaches detrimental to the party have been in the area of party and election financing, and government engagement, Welsh added.

She said Najib had to tap from “new vehicles for election funding, including the scandal-ridden 1Malaysia Development Berhad fund, which was a departure from the past whereby Umno itself had a sufficient war chest.

“Today, other investment arms and entities have changed Umno’s dominant position. It has opened up alternative sources of funding for party leaders, but at the same time reduced the party’s role in setting the direction of financing,” she wrote.

Yet another way Najib has diminished Umno’s role was in reducing the party’s engagement in policy-making, having brought in “hired consultants” to the government, Welsh said.

“The common feature of all of these changes has been to push Umno back from the political front line,” Welsh concluded, and while this had made it “more obsessed” with clinging to power, it was ironically contributing to its own decline. – November 28, 2014.

Source:  http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/najib-making-umno-less-relevant-to-malaysians-says-columnist

Mahathir’s Case Against Najib Detailed

Written by John Berthelsen

WED,20 AUGUST 2014

Former premier lists specific reasons for his withdrawal of support for serving PM

As long as two to three months before former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad publicly attacked his successor, Najib Tun Razak, through his blog, the former premier sent Najib a letter bristling with a list of demands to change his ways.

Mahathir’s irritation has sputtered behind the scenes since before the disastrous May 2013 general election, in which the ruling Barisan Nasional lost the popular vote for the first time in 44 years although it retained its majority in parliament via gerrymandering.  Since that time, bloggers deployed by Mahathir have made general attacks on the sitting prime minister, who took office in 2009 with Mahathir’s approval. 

But for the first time he personally criticized Najib in his blog, Che Det, saying on Aug. 16 that he had withdrawn support.  The campaign against Najib has been mounted now in advance of the November United Malays National Organization general assembly, where it appears Najib has an unassailable position as party president.

Mahathir was scheduled to leave tonight for London, where Najib and his wife Rosmah Mansor have been for the past several days after a holiday that began three weeks ago after Najib’s speech to families of the doomed MH17 airliner, which was brought down by a rocket over disputed territory in Ukraine on July 17. 

In the letter to Najib, quoted to Asia Sentinel by a businessman with links to UMNO, Mahathir reportedly listed seven demands. Najib is said to have dispatched Tengku Adnan Tenku Mansor, the secretary-general of the United Malays National Organization, to see Mahathir, asking him to withdraw the letter.  Mahathir refused, however, sources say.  In the intervening weeks, nothing has happened. 

Since Mahathir’s attack, the story has been playing out behind the scenes of the mainstream media, which are controlled by the political parties that make up the national ruling coalition. They have gone black, carrying only praise for Najib without mentioning Mahathir’s assault. Instead, the papers have merely included statements of support for Najib from leaders such as Foreign Minister Hishamuddin Hussein and others without mentioning the reason the support is needed. 

Meanwhile the story has lit up the Internet, with independent news portals having a field day while Mahathir’s blogger allies including Rocky’s Bru, Outsyed the Box and others have defended him.

The demands listed in the letter included one that Najib reform the controversial 1MDB sovereign fund, which is deeply in debt after having funded a long string of controversial projects. It is said to be a major scandal sizzling out of sight and involving controversial Chinese playboy Taek Jho Low and Najib’s wife, Rosmah Mansor. 

The octogenarian former premier also complained that not enough contracts let by Petronas, the national energy company, were going to build up Bumiputeras, mostly ethnic Malays, but instead were being let to more neutral parties. At one point in October of 2013, Mahathir actually resigned from Petronas, saying his doctors had advised him to slow down. But the real reason is said to have been his anger with Najib’s performance. 

He also accused Najib of being too friendly with foreign governments including the United States over the bid to join President Barack Obama’s TransPacific Partnership Agreement free trade pact, andSingapore for bending to Singapore’s wishes and cancelling a controversial crooked bridge between the two countries over the Singapore Strait. He was also said to be miffed that Mahathir’s immediate successor, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, attended a dinner with Obama during the latter’s Malaysia visit but that he wasn’t invited.

He also objected to the so-called one-off BRIM cash handouts that the government announced to households making less than RM3,000 (US$847) per month in 2012 as an election sweetener to alleviate the burden of a rising cost of living for low-income earners, saying it was breaking thebudget. It ended up costing the treasury as much as RM4 billion.

He demanded that Malaysia Airlines, which is 70 percent owned by the Khazanah Nasional sovereign fund, be turned over to the private sector to attempt to right it after two disastrous crashes that took the lives of more than 500 people and which is almost moribund, losing billions of dollars. The private sector is said to be Syed Mokhtar al-Bukhairy, a longtime Mahathir crony who became the country’s richest Bumi tycoon, largely through government contracts.

Finally, Mahathir criticized Najib over the breakdown in racial and religious relations in the country, which have grown progressively more poisonous by the year.  That seems to be a striking obtuseness on Mahathir’s part, since he has backed the Malay-supremacy NGO Perkasa, headed by firebrand Ibrahim Ali, and has made incendiary statements about racial superiority on his own. Prior to the 2013 general election, he sought to lead a major rally on May 13, the anniversary of 1969 communal riots that took  the lives of hundreds.  Najib forced the cancellation of the rally.

Allies say Mahathir’s aim is not to bring down Najib, but to apply enough pressure to force him into making deep changes in the way the government is being run. However, at the age of 89, having been out of power since 2003, and with few remaining allies in UMNO, it is questionable at this point how much clout he still has. 

However, he has a formidable record, having forced the ouster of Tunku Abdul Raman and Hussein Onn as prime ministers before his own 22 year period in office, beat back challenges by UMNO stalwarts Tengku Razaleigh, the Finance Minister, and both Musa Hitam and Anwar Ibrahim as his deputy prime ministers, all of whom attempted to unseat him,  and then forced the departure of the successor he picked, Abdullah Badawi.  He is expected to mount a daunting campaign against Najib when the two return from overseas.

Source: http://www.asiasentinel.com/politics/mahathir-case-najib-detailed/

MAN WITHOUT A CORE: Najib betrays his own Moderates Movement with Sunni Islam call

Thursday, 12 December 2013 10:02
Written by Zairil Khir Johari

Amongst the more ridiculous propositions to emerge from the recently concluded Umno General Assembly was the suggestion that Article 3 of the Federal Constitution should be amended to stipulate that Islam in Malaysia refers to the practice of the Sunnah Wal Jamaah, or Sunni denomination.

Such a move, according to various Umno leaders including party Vice-President and Home Minister Dato’ Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, was necessary in order to “protect the sanctity of the teaching of Sunnah wal Jamaah and to stop the spread of other teachings in the country.”

This suggestion comes hot on the heels of the Home Minister’s vilification of the Shia sect as a deviant ideology, while attempting to link Pas leaders, in particular party Deputy President Mat Sabu, as Shia followers.

Most incredibly, this call was met favourably by Umno President Dato’ Sri Najib Razak who, in his closing speech, promised that the party constitution would be amended to define Islam as that of the Sunni denomination. Although the Prime Minister did not go so far as to agree to amend the Federal Constitution, he certainly did not rule it out when asked.

A voice of sanity (but for how long?)

Thankfully, a voice of sanity has emerged in the form of former Umno Supreme Council member and now Chief Executive Officer of the Global Movement of Moderates, Dato’ Saifuddin Abdullah, who appears to have broken ranks with his party colleagues.

In a press conference recently, Dato’ Saifuddin said that “there is no need to amend the Federal Constitution to specify Islam as the Sunni denomination” as “it is sufficient that the Federal Constitution already plainly states Islam as the religion of the federation.”

Dato’ Saifuddin also expressed concern that attempts to define Islam in the constitution in such a specific manner would not be inclusive, and that he did not believe in the “holier-than-thou approach” in handling this issue that he deems to be “exaggerated.”

Najib’s false moderation

In 2010, Najib spearheaded the formation of the Global Movement of Moderates (GMM) by calling upon “members and leaders of the world's major faiths to censure and reject their own extremists.”

However, far from practising what he preaches, Najib’s own government has consistently submitted to the demands of the very extremists he is asking the world to reject.

Following on from the “kalimah Allah” controversy which has made Malaysia a laughing stock not only amongst Western nations but also in the Muslim world, the Government’s latest attempt to cast limitations on the definition of Islam is a palpable mockery of the religion.

Moreover, the zeal with which the Government is pursuing the persecution of Muslim minorities such as the Shia goes against the very grain of moderation or inclusiveness. In fact, it even contradicts the charter of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), which affirms the need “to foster noble Islamic values concerning moderation, tolerance, respect for diversity,” as well as “to promote human rights and fundamental freedoms.”

It is clear that Najib has betrayed the very movement which he started, and that the GMM is now nothing more than a false façade that belies the extremist, bigoted and narrow-minded tendencies of the Barisan Nasional Government.

Zairil Khir Johari

Member of Parliament for Bukit Bendera

Source: http://www.malaysia-chronicle.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=199691:man-without-a-core-najib-betrays-his-own-moderates-movement-with-sunni-islam-call&Itemid=2#axzz2nEC7OuJ2

Najib likely to face leadership challenge

Bridget Welsh 8:43AM Jun 14, 2013 One month after GE13, attention has turned to the Umno election. Rumours are already circulating about possible challengers to the ruling party's No 1 post. While the Black 505 rallies continue to mobilise protest against the May 5 general election that many recognise as seriously flawed, the dominant political party is myopically focused on its party polls and who will lead the party after October. The flurry of activity in recent weeks - from the call to make Umno more inclusive ethnically to the pleas for the return of the 2,000 delegates as electors (rather than 46,500 members) are all part of the now intensifying internal Umno political jockeying. All eyes are on the contest for the top leadership position, especially given that Prime Minister Najib Razak performed poorer electorally compared to his predecessor and did not fully deliver on his promise of winning back Selangor and a two-thirds majority in Parliament. More and more calls are being made to keep the two top positions uncontested. In Umno, however, the real politics is happening behind the scenes. The grassroots are mobilising for the first stage of the party electoral process - the divisional polls. Despite the public rhetoric, current conditions point to a competitive contest, in which if conditions do not radically change, Najib will likely face a credible and substantive challenge to his position. Five factors There are five underlying factors that point to a challenge: First, the modus operandi in Umno is money politics. This was a legacy of the Mahathir years and has become deeply entrenched, feeding into the concerns over corruption and governance. For many of the delegates, they join the party for the perks and invest in positions for potential financial gains. Elections are an integral part of the financial rewards in the system as they involve the distribution of incentives. The logic is simple - the more the competition within the party, the more the incentives. Given the modus operandi in Umno, there are vested interests in fueling contests. The higher the level of competition, the greater the promise of rewards. This election involves more people, so competition is costly, involving mass outlays of funds to more people than ever before. Part of the call for the return to the old 2,000-delegate system is driven by this economic ‘money politics' reality. There is a tension here between those who would like to minimise costs, with those who would like to receive dividends. The numbers are on the receiving ends, thus the systemic pressure for greater competition. Second, Umno as a party is deeply factionalised. This is not unique. In fact for dominant one-party system this is the norm, as seen in Taiwan, Japan and Mexico. All political parties have some degree of internal divisions. These divisions, however, feed into competition as the leadership has to accommodate the various warlords. In some cases, such as recently in Negeri Sembilan, the leadership has had to take sides on who to elevate to positions in the state government. Warlordism fuels competition by bringing national politics to the state level and vice-versa. Currently, the intensity of conflict at the state level and underlying resentment against Umno's current leadership for perceived favouritism contributes to pressure for more leadership competition. Malay chauvinism under challenged Third, Umno as a party is being pressured to reform its identity after GE13. To be more precise, its Malay chauvinism is being challenged. The challenge is taking the form of calls to move the party into a more multi-ethnic entity, and be more inclusive of non-Malays. This is in response to the effective death of the BN as a multi-ethnic power-sharing coalition in GE13. This measure initially mooted by Najib has yielded a strong reaction from the rank and file, who have come out of a polls where ethnic Malay chauvinism was stoked and ignited to bring the party faithful together against the opposition. The disconnect between the multi-ethnic initiative promoted by a national leader seeking national representation and the party grassroots embedded in their ethnic nationalist framework is real, and has caused disgruntlement among some and anger among others. The push to maintain the openness in the party electoral system taps into this, as more numbers can openly display their rejection of transforming the party outside of Dr Mahathir Mohamad's Malay chauvinist mode. Fourth, there is the reality of generational pressures within the party. Najib was not successful in having many of ‘his men' elected in GE13, as he hoped to garner a new cadre of leaders to support his push to consolidate his position within the party. After all, he has yet to be elected to the presidency. The push for younger, new faces remains, but the bottleneck in the leadership is substantive. The impact is that younger leaders will by nature ally with different actors with the hope of moving up the ranks in a system that has been slow to engage in generational transformation. Finally, amidst the structural concerns is the long-standing push for statesmanship. Many in Umno hark back to the good old days when Umno leaders were respected across the Malaysian society, and seen as national leaders to be proud of. There is division within Umno, and nationally, regarding Najib's leadership as well as his statesmanship. He has not taken a prominent role post-GE13, and this raises questions. Najib, like his predecessor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, faces the difficulty of meeting conflicting demands and higher expectations. This push for ‘statesmanship' leadership will be a driver for some of the potential contenders for power. Najib seeks new allies These party dynamics - money politics, warlord factionalism, party identity, generational pressures and statesmanship - all contribute to increased possibilities of a leadership challenge and greater party contention. At issue will be the new electoral system, the timing of the polls (with early polls apparently favoured by Najib) and the composition of the challenge itself. The question being asked is whether Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, who is 66 last month, will feel this is his last chance to take a shot at the top spot or someone else steps up to the challenge. Also openly being discussed is Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, 76, who has shown a willingness to contest for Umno president in the past. It is unlikely, given the systemic issues at play, that no one will step forward. Despite the questions around GE13 and the continued concerns with electoral irregularities, Umno feels victorious and is being portrayed as the ‘winner,' contributing to more risk-taking and competition. We have seen after the May 5 general election, new alliances are being forged - at least temporarily - ahead of the Umno polls. Najib has brought many of the Abdullah allies into the cabinet and he has reached out to Sabah. He has not significantly rocked the warlord interests in most of the states as he sought more allies. His biggest ‘new' ally appears to be Mahathir who said there was 'no alternative' to Najib in a speech in Japan. But history has shown that Mahathir's fidelity as an ally is uncertain at best. Najib has simultaneously thrown down the gauntlet by not giving Muhyiddin a senior cabinet position and holding his people at bay by not including them in the cabinet. The contest effectively began when the GE13 results came in, continued with the cabinet selection and is ongoing. The strategy of the marginalisation of Muhyiddin has begun. In the weeks ahead, the backroom politics will only intensify. It is much too early to write off a challenge. In fact, current conditions suggest the opposite - a growing competition within Umno. Najib will rely on the incumbency advantage, something which he had used effectively in GE13. But despite the power of incumbency,Najib's position should not yet be seen as secure, as he has to pass the test of his party in what may very well be the fiercest contests for the party leadership yet. DR BRIDGET WELSH is associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University. Bridget can be reached atbwelsh@smu.edu.sg.  Source: http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/232896

Unhappy BN MPs meet over spoils of GE13 victory

BY JAHABAR SADIQ
EDITOR
JUNE 11, 2013

File photo of BN flags put up during the recent general election. Several BN MPs are unhappy that they have not been rewarded for their victory in the polls.KUALA LUMPUR, June 11 — Several disgruntled Barisan Nasional (BN) MPs from east Malaysia met veteran lawmaker Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah last night to discuss their positions after not getting anything for their wins in the closely-fought Election 2013.

The Malaysian Insider understands that about the dozen or so MPs from Sabah and Sarawak are not keen to cross the aisle to join Pakatan Rakyat (PR) but are also not happy with Putrajaya over the spoils of victory.

“The east Malaysian MPs met Ku Li in his house to discuss their next moves as they are not happy with Putrajaya,” a source told The Malaysian Insider, referring to the politician prince by his moniker.

The MPs, who were elected in the May 5 general election, are here for two days of familiarisation with ethics and parliamentary procedures.

BN took 47 of the 56 federal seats in Sabah and Sarawak, contributing one-third of the 133 federal seats it won in the elections despite both states only having a quarter of the 222 seats in Parliament.

However, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak only doled out 20 ministerial and deputy ministerial posts to east Malaysian MPs, leaving parties like Sarawak’s SPDP without any representatives despite winning four federal seats.

In contrast, the MIC in the Malay peninsula saw all four MPs getting ministerial and deputy ministerial posts in the Najib administration — which has 32 full ministers including eight in the Prime Minister’s Department.

“The east Malaysians don’t want to leave BN but they also want something back for their wins.

“They are seeing Ku Li to see what they can do to express their disappointment,” the source added.

The Kelantan prince had wanted to challenge Najib for the Umno presidency in the last party polls but did not pick up enough nominations to qualify for the contest, whose eventual winner usually becomes the prime minister in a BN government.

He has represented Gua Musang since 1974 and has had his sights on the prime minister’s job several times but has had no success.

Another source said the east Malaysian MPs are the latest to rattle Najib after he won his first personal mandate with fewer seats than his predecessor Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

“Najib is already under pressure from within Umno and now this, just after a poor result in the polls,” he added.

Umno won 88 federal seats in Election 2013, up nine from 2008 but several party veterans have blamed the party and BN’s lacklustre performance on Najib’s “war room” strategists, and hinting that the prime minister might be shown the door if he doesn’t remove his strategists for their bad advice.

“The MPs can’t do much except call for a motion of no-confidence. Getting it on the agenda is already a success to express their disappointment.

“Or they can leave it to Umno members at the year-end party polls to show PM how they feel,” the source added.

The source also said the BN MPs who met Tengku Razaleigh are not expected to reveal their intentions until Parliament starts on June 24.

“Either way, this is just more pressure on Najib to appease all sides in BN,” he added.

Source: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/unhappy-bn-mps-meet-over-spoils-of-ge13-victory/

Anwar puts out Umno fire, says leaders disconnected from voters

UPDATED @ 02:08:23 PM 03-12-2012

By Clara Chooi
Assistant News Editor

December 03, 2012

PETALING JAYA, Dec 3 — Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim turned his nose up today at Umno’s purported renewed polls confidence, saying its leaders could not accurately assess ground support by “staying in 5-star hotels, spending time in lounges and smoking expensive cigars”.

Anwar says there is a disconnect between the Umno leadership and the people. — File pic

“That is where they discuss things with their friends,” he told a press conference organised specifically to respond to issues raised at the just-concluded 66th Umno general assembly.

“There is a clear disconnect between the rich, multimillionaire Umno leaders and the masses on the ground.”

The Opposition Leader said that after monitoring closely the proceedings of Umno’s four-day assembly, he was not the least bit worried of the ruling party’s latest forecast for the polls, and instead called it a display of “sheer arrogance” by party leaders.

He said Umno delegates at the assembly had only gone on an offensive overdrive against Pakatan Rakyat (PR) instead of touching on core issues affecting society such as economic hardship, unemployment, corruption and poverty.

The theme at the assembly was merely “power”, Anwar said, noting that party leaders seemed obsessed with exchanging ideas on how they could cling on to this “power” at all costs.

“So I am not in the least bit worried. They see us in PR and me as a big threat. They are in fear that there is a giant dragon lying in wait to destroy them,” the former Umno man said.

Umno’s four-day assembly last week saw delegates leaving with renewed confidence in BN’s chances at the ballot box with several even claiming that the pact would not only recapture its traditional two-thirds parliamentary majority but also topple PR in the four states it currently rules — Kelantan, Kedah, Selangor and Penang.

Not so long ago, this was seen as a tall order, but when met at the sidelines of the assembly, delegates were quick to pre-empt BN’s triumph, even in Penang where the DAP is seen as immovable.

But Anwar said today that Umno’s boast was not surprising, pointing out that the proceedings of the assembly showed that the party’s only tactic was to use the racial and religious card as a way of “divide and conquer”.

He gave a reminder of Wanita Umno chief Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jalil’s use of the “May 13 tragedy” during the wing’s meet to frighten PR’s Malay supporters, and accused the former minister of attempting to sow animosity between the Malays and the non-Malays with her threat.

“This is not only reckless but highly seditious and therefore criminal,” he said.

Anwar said this “fear-mongering” was Umno’s way of scaring Muslims into thinking that a government under PR would mean that the non-Malays would rise to usurp the power of the Malays to turn the country into a Christian state.

“Should the rakyat continue to bear with leadership of such calibre?” he asked.

He repeated his debate challenge to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak, saying this was still the best platform for the latter to convince Malaysians of his credibility.

Source: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/anwar-puts-out-umno-fire-says-leaders-disconnected-from-voters/

国阵执政 55 呢还喊拯救国家！？

执政55年还喊 拯救国家！？

• 辜瑞荣
• 2012年11月30日 下午2点12分
• 
  

“马来西亚前锋报今天报道巫统全国大会主席讲词的头版大标题是‘拯救国家’（SELAMATKAN NEGARA）。这是看来很可笑的，但是也是值得令人深思的大标题．”马来西亚人民党全国副主席辜瑞荣在文告中说。

“可笑，因为一个已经执政一个国家55年的政党竟然在55年后高喊要拯救国家。值得令人深思的是，国家需要拯救意味着这个国家已经面对危机，而必须拯救，也就是说需要进行改变，否则这个国家前途暗淡无光，人民必将生活在苦难中。”文告指出。

“的确，越来越多马来西亚人已经认识到，这个国家确确实实在国阵－－巫统的５５年执政下，国家社会百病丛生，需要动大手术才能获得挽救，这是首相那吉自己也清楚看到的，所以，他的巫统大会演辞标题也打着‘有改革能力的领导，迈向国家宏愿’KEPIMPINAN TRANSFORMATIF MENUJU WAWASAN NEGARA。”

辜瑞荣问到，“是谁造成马来西亚今天面对的危机局面？首相那吉能够讲到做到‘有改革能力的领导，迈向国家宏愿’。”

“答案是明显的，当前国家危机是国阵55年的长时间执政造成的。在国阵－巫统执政下，尤其是经过马哈迪医生22年执政时建立的寻租朋党经济体制，是国家面对危机的根本根源。”

“在处理这个危机时，首相只突出个人形象来赢回已经失去的民心，而不用国阵－巫统这个招牌。首相了解，国阵－巫统是改革不了的。所以，那吉上任时提出经济改革便受到内部的抗拒和强烈反对，他就悄悄放弃，转向废除过时且不得人心的法律条文，如废除内安法令。这样做能够突出改革者形象，又能保存寻租朋党体制和朋党利益。否则，他要面对前首相阿都拉下场。”

马来西亚人民党因此呼吁人民大胆进行改变，推选其他替代力量取代国阵－巫统，才能改变寻租朋党制度，才能改变人民苦难的命运。

来源：http://www.malaysiakini.com/letters/215553

林冠英：国英报不提莎姐恐嚇论，“质疑希山干预媒体”

2012-11-29 19:31

• 

（檳城29日讯）檳州首席部长林冠英质疑，多份国文报及西报对於巫统妇女组主席拿督斯里莎丽扎在代表大会上发表恐嚇言论绝口不提，极可能是受到內政部长拿督斯里希山慕丁的指示，以避免巫统在非马来族群的形象受损。

“请希山慕丁回答我的疑问，为何莎丽扎谈及513的言论没有在马来报及西报中出现？是不是有人干预新闻自由，企图粉饰太平？＂

林冠英今日出席檳州发展机构举办的屠妖节庆典后，接受记者访问时，这么说。

他认为，如果確实如此，只能证明巫统为了保住江山，已经不择手段，不惜撒谎、恐嚇，甚至是陷害马来西亚人民来贏得政权。

指莎丽扎低估选民智慧

他也批评，莎丽扎的此番言论是既危险又下流，而且不明智，更是低估选民的智慧，完全凸显出巫统的霸权思维。

莎丽扎昨天在大会上指出：“一旦巫统在大选中被选民拒绝时，占人口多数的马来人绝对不乐见此事，除可能引发政治动荡，甚至导致513事件重演＂。

另一方面，林冠英也恭贺檳第二副首长拉玛沙米號召国內多个非政府组织，使用抗议的力量成功抵挡斯里兰卡总统马欣达拉贾帕克萨入境大马。

他说，大马政府允许背负在斯里兰卡內战期间屠杀淡米尔人罪名的马欣达拉贾帕克萨入境，对印裔族群是一种伤害。

马欣达原计划下个月来马，出席於12月4至6日在柔佛新山举行的世界伊斯兰经济论坛。不过，马欣达已决定取消行程。

来源：http://www.sinchew.com.my/node/269916?tid=1

林吉祥：反贪廉政大马人主权，“纳吉忽略三大课题＂

2012-11-30 08:46

（吉隆坡29日讯）行动党国会领袖林吉祥说，首相拿督斯里纳吉在巫统代表大会主席政策演词忽略三大重要议题，显示马来西亚有必要在第13届全国大选改朝换代，以使国家有更好的建设。

他发表文告说，纳吉忽略的三大重要国家议题是：宣佈对贪污零容忍，承诺推动廉正施政，全力打击巫统和国內任何贪污腐败行为；贯彻首相“一个马来西亚＂理念和口號，宣佈“马来西亚人民主权＂是巫统的核心宗旨，而非“马来主权＂；充份体现民主风度与爱国精神，把马来西亚打造为，“世界最民主的国家＂，宣佈巫统尊重全体选民的抉择，承诺一旦民联在来临第13届全国大选中获得人民委託，必將和平转移政权。

林吉祥预测大选將会落在明年3月，即4个月內举行。

来源：http://www.sinchew.com.my/node/269948?tid=1

Shahrizat's May 13 Slur: What a fear-monger she is!

Shame on you, Shahrizat: You are a fear-monger

By Aliran, on 29 November 2012

It is disgraceful that a politician seemingly on the way out has to ressurect the fear factor to shore up her flagging fortunes in Umno.

As a former minister, she should have more sense to be responsible and appreciate the democratic process. Instead, she comes across as someone who is not prepared to accept the verdict of the people in a democratic election if that verdict went against Umno.

Is she planting the seeds of hatred in the minds of Umno members and instigating them to run amok and create havoc?

How does one view her statement when she said at the Wanita Umno Assembly, “If we are no longer in power, we would lose political stability. Certainly, the Malays, the majority in this country, would be unsettled” (Malaysiakini, 28 November 2012).

“I am concerned and worried that this would bring racial tensions that could lead to a repeat of the May 13, 1969 tragedy.”

Is she threatening Malaysians that there will be a recurrence of the May 13, 1969 tragedy if Umno were to lose power? Why should that be so? Is she calling on Umno members to get ready to do the unthinkable if they were forced by the electorate to vacate Putrajaya?

Is she aware of the terrible consequence of rioting following the likely routing of Umno? She doesn’t care to think for a moment of the destruction and the loss of innocent lives that can ensue in such an eventuality. Her concern seems not to be for the well-being of the country and the people but only focused on remaining in power at whatever cost.

This is utterly irresponsible!

Her unintelligent gibberish only bewilders thinking Malaysians. Consider this for a moment when she rambles, “We must address this now if we don’t want to be refugees in our own land. A split in the Malay vote would dull the political power of the Malays.”

How can citizens become refugees in their country? Refugees are people who flee their own country because they no longer feel safe for their lives. Refugees run away to another country for some valid reasons: political oppression, social upheavals, unrest, persecution, absence of rule of law, absence of protection from the government, inability to eke out a livelihood, etc.

Can anyone foresee this ever happening in this country i.e. people being forced to flee? She has to exaggerate this lie to create fear and horror in the minds of unthinking Umno members!

How would “a split in the Malay vote dull the political power of the Malays”? The Malay vote has been split for decades. That has not dulled the political power of the Malays. This goes to show that Umno doesn’t necessarily equate with the Malays, and vice versa. The political reality is much more complex than Umno would like us to believe. Besides, Malays, like any other ethnic group in the country, should instead unite around noble principles of justice, equality and compassion.

Take Kelantan for example. There was and has been a split in the Malay vote but has that dulled the political power of the Malays? Has that forced Umno members to seek refuge elsewhere outside the country?

There was a change in government in Kedah. Has that dulled the political power of the Malays? How many Umno members fled Kedah to seek safer haven elsewhere?

Take the case of Perak that was taken over by the Pakatan Rakyat. In recognising the political reality and the make-up of the polity of this country, Tan Sri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin was appointed the Menteri Besar of Perak. Obviously, Pakatan was very sensitive to the Malay sentiment and did not do anything that could be upsetting. We are not aware if Umno members were involved in any exodus from Perak!

Then there is Penang, which fell to Pakatan Rakyat in March 2008. In keeping with the tradition and original understanding – unlike Malacca – Lim Guan Eng was sworn in as Chief Minister. There was no unrest. There was no flight of refugees from Penang.

So there is no basis to claim that the Malays will become refugees or that their political power will be diminished. What has been established is the fact that change can be peaceful and that the harmony of the country will not necessarily be destroyed.

As long as we accept and respect the political process as a legitimate avenue of expression, political change will be without any untoward incident. By and large, the majority of Malaysians are peaceful, sensible and responsible. However we must be on the lookout for the few who may try and stir up trouble. We should leave them to the police to take care of.

Umno must be desperate if such lies have to be manufactured!

P Ramakrishnan
29 November 2012

Source: http://aliran.com/10862.html